A Blog by Leon Zitzer: To tell the full truth about what Charles Darwin actually wrote, what parts of it were racist, and the academics who may or may not get it right.
Wednesday, April 27, 2016
MY BOOK
As I am busy finishing proofreading and indexing my book, I won't post anything this month. The title of the book is Darwin's Racism: The Definitive Case, Along With a Close Look at Some of the Forgotten, Genuine Humanitarians of That Time. I hope it will be available by June.
Wednesday, March 2, 2016
REPARATIONS AND BEAUTY—PART 2
[Part
1 is the previous post, the one for February 2016. I usually post once a month
at the end of the month. I am posting earlier this time, so it will follow soon
after Part 1.]
Sometimes
the news throws up reports on the most diverse subjects, which can lead us to
make the oddest connections. Along with a debate about reparations, recent news
items have told us about the detection of gravitational waves, confirming part
of Einstein’s general theory of relativity. It has produced a lot of
excitement. For one thing, there is a hope that new technological devices will
ensue. Whenever we discover anything in the west, the first thing scientists
start thinking about is how this will give us more domination and control over
nature.
But
there is more. In response to one person’s query as to what good is this, one
scientist, or perhaps it was a journalist who writes on science, responded that
one might as well ask what good is Beethoven or Bach. There is a beauty to
scientific theories about the universe that is worth pursuing for its own sake.
Yes, there is. I agree. But I wonder why we never say that about humanitarian
ideas.
There
is an incredible beauty in the idea that an attack on humanity anywhere is an
attack on humanity everywhere. But how many people really believe that? We
consider it deeply problematic, a very big pain in the ass, to defend human
rights everywhere. There is the danger, the economic costs, diplomatic considerations.
Too much of an emphasis on human rights will interfere with material progress
which always comes first. Human rights are something that can be put on the
backburner. Humanitarian ideals are nothing like Beethoven or Bach. Great music
doesn’t make us feel guilty the way our failures in humanitarianism do. We
don’t celebrate humanitarians of the past the way we celebrate Bach or Einstein.
We would rather forget.
(In
what follows, all emphases in quotations from old authors are original to these
authors.)
In
the late 17th century, John Locke wrote that when an “Aggressor … unjustly invades another Man’s Right,
[he] can … never come to have a Right
over the Conquered …” He compares such unjust rulers to robbers and
pirates. An unjust conqueror is like a robber who gains title to a man’s estate
by holding a dagger to his throat. “The Injury and the Crime is equal, whether
committed by the wearer of a Crown, or some petty Villain. The Title of the
Offender, and the Number of his Followers, make no difference in the Offence,
unless it be to aggravate it.” Think of what Locke is saying: Not only does
might or status not make right, but it makes for less right and magnifies the
crime.
(How
Locke was rewritten by scholars to make him into a supporter of colonialism and
the dispossession of native peoples is too long a story to go into here. For
the moment, it is enough to say that their chief method has been to erase all
that he said in defense of the native rights of all peoples.)
Locke
went further. He argued that even in a just war, when a nation has all the
justice on its side you can imagine, such justice does not give the conqueror
the right to take away all the land from the conquered nation. The vanquished,
especially the women and children, have a right to live and a right to inherit
their fathers’ possessions. “But the Conquered, or their Children, have no
Court, no Arbitrator on Earth to appeal to. Then they may appeal [to heaven] … and repeat their Appeal, till they recovered the native Right of their Ancestors …
If it be objected, this would cause endless trouble; I answer, No more than
Justice does, where she lies open to all that appeal to her.” For Locke, this
is absolutely true in an unjust war, but even just wars cannot undo the right
to inherit and have enough land for survival.
Saxe
Bannister, Attorney General in New South Wales in the mid-1820s and later
active in the Aborigines’ Protection Society, put it most succinctly: “rights
are never forgotten.” There is the right to reparations in a nutshell. It is as
beautiful a humanitarian insight as the idea that an attack on humanity
anywhere is an attack on humanity everywhere.
Granville
Sharp was one of the earliest British abolitionists. He defended many a slave
in England in the late 18th century and was finally successful in
getting a judge to decide that slavery in England was illegal (the exact
interpretation of the judge’s decision was in dispute, but he was popularly
understood to have banned slavery on English home soil). Sharp was deeply aware
that the rights of Englishmen were entwined with rights for all humans: “the
spirit and equity,” for example, of trial by jury (denied to slaves) would be
“entirely lost, if we partially confine that justice to ourselves alone, when
we have it in our power to extend it to others” (this point was framed in a
rhetorical question). “The natural right
of all mankind must principally justify our insisting upon this necessary
privilege in favour of ourselves in particular … we certainly undermine the
equitable force and reason of those laws, by which we ourselves are protected …” if we do not extend them to all men.
It
was this concern for human rights that carried over to the movement to help
Aborigines who were losing their land without compensation. Saxe Bannister
pointed out that the Parliamentary leaders pushing for the emancipation of
slaves had always had colonial Aborigines, or free coloreds, in their minds as
well. Sharp himself had made a connection between the causes of slaves and
Aborigines. To make Aborigines out to be savages was, like enslavement, to
divest them of their humanity, an expression used by Sharp. Sharp had argued
that slavery turned human beings into property and that this was a divestment of
their humanity. He insisted that no human being can ever be divested of his
fundamental human nature and the rights that go with it.
The
most important thing to remember about Sharp’s brand of humanitarianism is that
he did not just want to free the slaves—he wanted to free them for the right
reasons and that included the idea of universal human rights. His ideas, like
those of Bannister and Locke, were as beautiful as anything in physics and
mathematics.
Twice
Sharp tells us that slavery is “destructive of the human species.” (Darwin would
say almost the exact opposite when it came to exterminating Aborigines; he
believed their disappearance would improve the human race; see below.) Sharp’s
statement seems to be based on his belief that the oppression of one part of
society, if unchecked, will spread to other parts, particularly to the common
people. He notes that the free Negroes, Mulattoes, and Indians in the colonies
suffer oppressive measures as a result of the way slaves are treated. There is
implied in this a holistic view of human society. The whole binds all the parts
together so that injustice cannot be confined to one part; whatever wrongs are
done to one will spread to other parts of the whole. Sharp saw connections
where racists and slaveholders saw disconnections.
Darwin
was more apt to see disconnections. He affirmed connections between humans in
the ancient past, but he also believed evolution had created such diversity of
character that the end result in our time was that the human races were
markedly different in moral and intellectual nature. To one correspondent,
Darwin wrote, “It is very true what you say about the higher races of men, when
high enough, replacing & clearing off the lower races. In 500 years how the
Anglo-saxon race will have spread & exterminated whole nations; & in
consequence how much the Human race, viewed as a unit, will have risen in
rank.” Rank was what counted for Darwin, which is why he depicted lower races as
pulling down the human race as a whole. Getting rid of certain human races, not
reparations, was what Darwin envisioned for the future.
Sharp
saw it differently. Injustice is what pulled humanity down and giving justice
to a despised group could only pull humanity up. As Locke had said, there is no
time limit on calling for injustice to be rectified. All human beings are
entitled to rights (which never go away, as Bannister had emphasized), so much
so that, in Sharp’s view, the denial of rights to any one group would have devastating
consequences on all other human beings. He was a holistic thinker. Would he
have approved of reparations? I think so. He would have understood that lifting
up a people as a counter-measure to the injustices they had suffered would have
beneficial results for everyone else. Reparations fit his general way of
thinking.
There
is a beauty in all this that we would do well to remember. Rights are never
forgotten and can never be abandoned. As long as there are descendants to
remember these things. That is as beautiful as a gravitational wave, isn’t it?
To the ones I have mentioned here, many other forgotten names could be added,
like Charles Napier, J. Langfield Ward, and Georg Gerland. Napier had argued
how destructive an obsession with national wealth is and Gerland asked us to
remember that indigenous people had not rejected civilization, rather
civilization had rejected the indigenous.
They
all asked us to remember that the line between civilized and savage runs
through every human society, and should never be used as a marker to
distinguish between cultures. Every society has the capacity to sink back into
savagery, as Gerland said, and the so-called savage cultures give us high
examples of humanity.
Unfortunately,
we have chosen not to remember the humanitarians who taught us these lessons. We
do not honor their names the way we honor the names of scientists who enhanced
the power of western civilization. We’ve brushed them aside. We’ve
dis-remembered them. We don’t value what they stood for. Reparations here would
mean remembering what they thought was important and remembering that we have rejected
their offerings. It’s that double memory that twists us up inside. We don’t
know how to face what our neglect has done to them.
Whatever
the merit and benefits of financial reparations, the ultimate reparations are
memories. The reparations of remembering history accurately is what we need
more than anything else. Whether the future holds promise or gives us an abyss
depends on how we remember the past. It is the most dangerous kind of
reparation because part of this is remembering how bad we have been at the
task of memorializing humanitarians who tried so hard to give us something
better. We have erased them from history. If we have any heart at all, we should do our utmost to reverse that.
©
2016 Leon Zitzer
Sunday, February 21, 2016
REPARATIONS AND BEAUTY—PART 1
[Part
2 will come next month, March 2016.]
There
has been a lot of talk recently about reparations for slavery. It is not of
course the first time this has been brought up. I recall sometime in the
mid-1980s there was a newspaper article about African-American Congressmen
raising the issue of reparations. I was on a subway train seated behind two
black women, one of whom had the paper opened to that article. She asked the
other what she thought about this. Her friend replied, “I don’t know nothing
about no slavery. My family was never slaves. We were always free. I got
nothing to do with that.” She seemed quite indignant that anyone would
associate her or her family with that demoralizing institution. As I recall,
that was the end of their conversation on that.
The
original hope for reparations was the forty acres and a mule that every freed
slave was supposed to get. That never got done. In general, I don’t think there
is such a thing as historical justice. The only true justice would be to have
prevented the original injustice from happening or to have made a correction
very soon after it happened. Once you pass a certain point, justice is a
fantasy. But a semblance of it might be worth going after, if only as an
acknowledgment that past injustices continue to reverberate into the future.
We
forget that British colonies went through this with Aborigines (and, I believe,
are still going through it in places like Australia, though I don’t know enough
about current proceedings there). Humanitarians had pointed out that colonial
wealth was built on stealing land from the original proprietors. Some argued
that it would be only right if, say, ten percent of this wealth went back to
the natives. That idea never picked up steam. The greed that demanded we take
everything from Aborigines was too stingy to allow even a small percent to go
back to the first inhabitants.
In
testimony before the House of Commons Select Committee on Aborigines in the
mid-1830s, one minister thought the best compensation we could offer would be to
bring them Christianity and the benefits of western civilization. This would be
a fair recompense for the land we took. One member of the Committee pointed out
that this was the only compensation we could afford.
Meanwhile,
some money was set aside to help new immigrants settle in Australia, but almost
nothing went to help the displaced natives. They were very stingy about how
they allocated funds. The problem with asking for reparations (which I fully
agree with, despite its problems) is that we are asking this of a society that
has never acknowledged the extreme greed that led to slavery and colonization in
the first place. The dominant culture from the beginning has wanted it all and has
been unwilling to share or give up even a small piece of the wealth to be had.
Yet
we ask this culture to be more sharing now. What are the chances of success as
long as our society refuses to acknowledge how deep are the tentacles of
greediness in all that we do?
I
don’t think that most 19th century abolitionists ever thought about
reparations. They conceived that once slavery was abolished, freedom was the
only reparation necessary and white people could wash their hands of it, as
Thomas Huxley once put it (which I will get to in a bit).
I don’t
see any signs that Charles Darwin thought about a continuing need to address
injustice. One slight exception is from his Beagle
Diary where he commented, “The Chilean authorities are now performing an
act of justice by making retribution to these poor Indians, by giving to each
Cacique twelve quadras of land …” This is not at all typical of Darwin’s
sentiments, not to mention that it seems almost perverse that he would pick out
one case of some justice being attempted, while ignoring the innumerable instances
of dispossessing natives without any attempt at compensation.
More
typical of Darwin are the following comments from his Diary. Just a couple of months after the above remark, Darwin notes
how poor one group of Indians is and writes, “I really think a boats crew with
the Spanish flag might take the island of Chiloe.” He can make this observation
despite the notorious reputation the Spanish empire had. In the same month, he
indifferently observes that many islands in South America are unpopulated: “I
should suppose the tribe has become extinct; one step to the final
extermination of the Indian race in S. America.”
Then
there is this: In Argentina, as General Rosas led a campaign of genocidal
slaughter, Darwin opines, “If this warfare is successful, that is if all the
Indians are butchered, a grand extent of country will be gained for the
production of cattle: & the vallies [of various rivers] will be most
productive in corn.” A month earlier, he had written, “The war of
extermination, although carried on with the most shocking barbarity, will
certainly produce great benefits.” Sad to say, it is thoughts like these which
Darwin expresses most often.
These
remarks were eliminated from the published version of his Diary. But in the published Journal,
he made the same point in a more sophisticated way. On the removal of all the
Tasmanian Aborigines from their land, Darwin said, “Van Diemen’s Land enjoys
the great advantage of being free from a native population.” He called it a
“most cruel step” but “quite unavoidable.”
One
advantage of complete extermination is that the invaders/colonizers will never
have to think about paying reparations to the descendants because there won’t
be any descendants. Darwin and many of his contemporaries believed that extermination
of indigenous peoples was inevitable. There were many reasons for believing in
this inevitability, which I discuss in my book (perhaps available in a few
months). One was just this—that it would obviate the need, even the very
question of, reparations. I cannot be sure which person believed in which
reasons, since there was such a complex at work here, and so in Darwin’s case,
I don’t know all his reasons for believing in the inevitable doom facing
Aborigines everywhere, but it is possible that getting rid of any claim for
reparations was one of them.
The
humanitarians of the age insisted on some reparations. Even more, they were
capable of arguing that anyone who believed in the inevitable extermination of
any human population was himself a barbarian. In essence, this supposed law of
inevitability was a self-fulfilling prophecy. Or as Herman Merivale, a
professor at Oxford, put it in 1841 or 1842, this was an imaginary law; he
identified Darwin as one of those who supported this imaginary law. Another
Englishman called the extermination of Aborigines a national crime, the perpetrators of which should
be punished.
When
I started this post, I had no idea of how long it was going to be. I am going
to leave the beauty part of reparations for next month’s post. I will bring up
John Locke, Saxe Bannister, and Granville Sharp for the sublimity of their
thoughts that rights are never forgotten.
Since
I mentioned Huxley above, I should conclude this post by presenting his
thoughts on the matter of what, if anything, was due ex-slaves. His answer was
basically nothing. Like Darwin and their friend Joseph Hooker, Huxley was an
abolitionist. But all three held strong racist beliefs.
At
the end of the American Civil War, Huxley was glad that slavery had finally
been defeated in the west. He was not hopeful about the future for former
slaves. Their own inferiority would keep them down. In a lecture, he stated
that there were “good grounds for repudiating half the arguments which have
been employed by the winning side,” that is, by those fighting to end slavery. What
bothered him most was the argument of equality between the races: “no rational
man, cognisant of the facts, believes that the average negro is the equal,
still less the superior, of the average white man.” Whatever happens to the Negro
from here on in, “all responsibility for the result will henceforward lie
between nature and him. The white man may wash his hands of it, and the
Caucasian conscience be void of reproach forever more.” This was “the real
justification for the abolition policy”—that is, to give us a clean conscience.
Obviously,
there is no room here for anything like reparations. A philosophy that worked
against any idea of reparations was built into the system of emancipation from
its inception. There must have been some guilt over what slavery had
accomplished, otherwise emphasizing a clean conscience would not have been
voiced. This clean conscience enabled them to pretend that slavery and
colonization had not created disadvantages for ex-slaves and ex-colonial
subjects. We are still pretending.
Would
Darwin have agreed with Huxley? Most likely, yes, but I have no specific
evidence to prove that. He opposed slavery primarily, perhaps exclusively, for
one reason—for its enormous cruelties, including the breaking up of slave
families. It was not economic injustice that concerned him or even social
inequality. He always believed that social inequality was a good thing. He was
opposed to trade unions and cooperative societies because they seemed to him to
work against the principle of competition; they tried to make everyone too
equal. In New Zealand, he noted with some disappointment that slaves and their
owners did not always observe the formalities of class distinctions. A slave
should not know cruelty, but he should know his social place. I doubt that Darwin would have been concerned with reparations for former slaves, most of whom were
now part of the class of poor people, a group that did not concern Darwin very
much.
©
2106 Leon Zitzer
Wednesday, January 27, 2016
MY BOOK IS ALMOST HERE
I
am in the final stages of preparing Darwin’s
Racism: The Definitive Case, Along with a Close Look at Some of the Forgotten,
Genuine Humanitarians of That Time for publication. Hopefully, it will be
available in a couple of months.
In
the meantime, immediately below is the description of the book that will appear
on websites and the back of the book:
Throughout
the 19th century in the British Empire, parallel developments in
science and the law were squeezing Aborigines everywhere into nonexistence.
Charles Darwin took part in this. Again and again, he expressed his approval of
the extermination of the native “lower races.” The more interesting part of the
story is that there were plenty of voices, albeit a minority and mostly
forgotten now, who objected on humanitarian grounds (and sometimes scientific
grounds as well). Europeans, they said, were becoming polished savages and
dehumanizing the Other. Darwin was very aware of this criticism and cared not
one whit. As he said in a letter to Charles Lyell, “I … care not much whether
we are looked at as mere savages in a remotely distant future.” But he well
knew it was not a remote future. He had read several writers who accused
Europeans of being the real savages. For a brief moment in his youth in his Diary, he himself dabbled in such
criticism, even though he already believed in the inferiority of indigenous peoples.
That belief grew firmer as he matured. Darwin did not dispute humanitarians so
much as he ignored them. It’s a sad story. But oh those humanitarians, how they
inspire.
That
is the description. There are three components to the book: 1) presenting all
the evidence to establish that racism was a systemic part of Darwin’s
anthropology; this includes evidence from his published writings, Notebooks,
and correspondence; 2) looking in detail at some of his contemporaries who strongly
objected to the racism of their culture and to the genocidal policies practiced
in the colonies; and 3) remembering the evolutionists who preceded Darwin and
who were more holistic and humane than he was; they would have taken
evolutionary theory in a different direction, but we have consigned them to oblivion.
This
book is about rescuing voices from the past. If one line sums it up, perhaps it
would be a line from the end of the film A
Thousand Acres. One of the sisters, dying in the hospital, says that her
single accomplishment in life was this: I saw and I did not flinch from
telling.
©
Leon Zitzer 2016
Tuesday, December 29, 2015
PATERNALISM OR RACISM?
How
serious are the prejudices in Charles Darwin’s writings? Unlike someone like
Adam Gopnik who is in complete denial about these prejudices, Stephen Gould
recognized in The Mismeasure of Man that
you cannot make Darwin out to be an egalitarian. Darwin definitely believed in
a hierarchy of cultures, with European civilization at the top. But Gould tries
to soften Darwin’s views into a kind of gentle paternalism. Based on his own
standards, that does not hold up.
Before
I get to that, I should say that Gould made the inaccurate claim that “All [in
Darwin’s time] were racists by modern standards,” though earlier he had made an
exception for Alfred Wallace who has been “justly hailed as an antiracist.” So
in a sense, Gould was admitting that Darwin might well have been a racist, but
that is excusable because everyone in that time was. The problem is that Gould
erased plenty of antiracists besides Wallace. Just one more example is Charles
Napier, a British military hero. In 1835, he objected to the ranking of races
and indignantly denied that Australian Aborigines formed a missing link between
man and monkey. Darwin, like so many other racists of his time, pondered the
question of which race was the lowest and had a hard time deciding whether it
was the Australians or the inhabitants of Tierra del Fuego. For someone like
Napier, this was nonsense.
Even
taking at face value that remark about all being racist, Gould acknowledged
that there were harsher racists and kindlier racists. Here, he said, is how we
can distinguish them: “those we now judge most harshly urged that inferiority
be used as an excuse for dispossession and slavery, while those we most admire
in retrospect urged a moral principle of equal rights and nonexploitation,
whatever the biological status of people.” I ask: Which one most
accurately describes colonialism?
In
the very next sentence, Gould claimed, “Darwin held this second position along
with the two Americans best regarded by later history [Thomas Jefferson and
Abraham Lincoln].” That is true for Darwin only in regard to legal slavery. It
is an untrue statement when it comes to the issue of colonialism and the
extermination of the colonized. On that score, Darwin held the first position—the
inferiority of savages justified Europeans taking their land. Colonialism was
as dispossessing and exploitive as slavery. Darwin supported it as one of the
consequences of native inferiority. It would be people like Wallace, Charles
Napier, Georg Gerland, John Stokes, Saxe Bannister, Langfield Ward, and many
members of the Aborigines’ Protection Society who really fulfilled (in varying
degrees) the position Gould admired. Darwin turned his back on what
colonization and the idea of savage inferiority were doing to natives. Gould
never addressed this. He brought his usual historical curiosity to a full stop.
There
is evidence in The Descent of Man
that Darwin considered signs of savage inferiority in their biological make-up,
for example in their having a better sense of smell than white people, which put
savages closer to the world of animals. His most serious biological assessment
of them was that they had smaller brains, which would indicate lower
intellects. Gould ignored this direct evidence of Darwin’s biological
determinism.
Even
if we assume that Gould was right about Darwin believing savages were
improvable and therefore not trapped in biological inferiority, it turns out to
be a distinction without a difference. In another essay in The Mismeasure of Man, Gould eloquently describes the effects of
believing in biological determinism: “Few tragedies can be more extensive than
the stunting of life, few injustices deeper than the denial of an opportunity
to strive or even to hope, by a limit imposed from without, but falsely identified
as lying within.” That is exactly what colonialism did, when it wasn’t
murdering people. It stunted life, denied opportunities, and imposed this from
without, while claiming the limitations were due to the internal nature of
savages.
So
does it really matter if Darwin was technically a biological determinist or
not, if ultimately he gave his tacit or explicit assent to the colonial
project? I can’t see that it does. It’s the same difference, no matter how you
slice it or dice it. Paternalism is a misdirection that Gould gave himself so
that he wouldn’t see the evidence of Darwin’s support for the colonial
enterprise and its stunting of life. Gould also missed that Darwin linked
natural selection to the colonial enterprise and in doing so, he made a biological
theory (natural selection) supportive of colonialism.
Gould
quotes a famous passage from Descent
in which Darwin says that over the next few centuries, “the civilised races of
man will almost certainly exterminate, and replace, the savage races throughout
the world” (Darwin also states here that anthropomorphous apes will be
exterminated too). Gould actually quotes a longer portion of it. He cites the
passage to show that Darwin did believe certain human races were inferior and that Darwin ranked savages between apes and white people, which in Gould's view makes Darwin a paternalist. But Gould completely ignores
the part about extermination! There is nothing more stunting of life than
extermination. I fail to see how that can be called paternalism. And I find it
mindboggling that Gould could completely miss that.
©
2015 Leon Zitzer
Saturday, November 28, 2015
REVIEW OF "THE SHAPE Of THE NEW"
The following is a review of a part of The Shape of the New: Four Big Ideas and How They Made the Modern World by Scott Montgomery and Daniel Chirot, published in May of this year, which I recently put up on Amazon.
MORE
MYTH THAN HISTORY ON ONE ISSUE
This
is not a review of the whole book. I always limit my reviews. In this book,
what concerns me is the section on Darwin and evolution. That is all I feel
qualified to comment on. They make too many errors for this to be called
accurate history.
They
treat Darwin as a hero (always a good sign that we are being confronted more
with myth than with history). They try to cover themselves by stating early on
that Darwin “was not the true originator of all that he wrote about.” But they
contradict that as they continue. In fact, in the very same paragraph they
claim that common descent was one of his new ideas and they repeat this later
on, claiming common descent was “original to Darwin.”
This
is completely false. The idea that species were evolving or descending from
previous species, going back to a common origin for all life, preceded Charles
Darwin by a long shot. Not only the idea of this, but offering evidence for it
was going on long before Darwin. His own grandfather, Erasmus Darwin, proposed
that perhaps life had developed from a single living filament and presented
enough evidence to make it a reasonable hypothesis to pursue. In his day, it
was known as generation (one species generating another species just like the
births of individuals). The authors of this book mention Erasmus Darwin only
once in connection with some family problems, but never say anything about the
work he did to establish evolutionary theory.
They
briefly mention Lamarck, who published an important book on this the year
Charles Darwin was born, and Robert Chambers whose book Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation was published in 1844
and then nine more editions before Origin
of Species appeared. Throughout most of the 19th century, more
copies of Vestiges were produced than
Origin. It is true that Vestiges had a fifteen year head start,
but it took much more than fifteen years for Origin to catch up. In the days of Chambers, evolution was known as
the development hypothesis and he presented a mighty strong case for it.
There
are two ways people can be erased from history. One is to completely ignore
them and the other is to give them brief mention while understating or even
suppressing their achievements. Authors Montgomery and Chirot choose to do the
latter for Lamarck and Chambers. They completely miss what these two figures
accomplished. Chambers presented much of the same evidence for common descent
that Darwin would and in fact proved that evolution or development was far more
probable than the theory of independent or special creation. Yet he never gets
credit for it.
The
authors rightly praise Darwin for linking man to the rest of nature, but
Chambers did just as good a job and went further. Chambers stressed that human
beings were related to all other forms of life and especially to the lower
animals (an expression they all used, including Darwin); even in intelligence,
there were differences in degree only. Since we are all related, Chambers
concluded that we had to respect the rights and feelings of other animals.
Darwin would never go that far. When Darwin testified before a Royal Commission
Committee on the question of vivisection, he pleaded with them not to ban
outright all experiments on living animals, as mankind might derive some
benefits from this, but he did object to experiments without anesthesia if they
could be done with anesthesia. However, he would never go so far as putting man
and animals as sympathetically close together as Chambers did.
Montgomery
and Chirot also play down Darwin’s connection to later developments of Social
Darwinism and eugenics. I agree with the authors that Darwin would have been
horrified at some of the later things that were done with his theory of natural
selection, but he would not have been horrified by all of it. Darwin himself
stressed that the lower races of human beings would be exterminated by
colonialism and suggested that humanity would rise higher because of this. The
authors completely fail to say anything about this. They make Darwin appear
more humane than he actually was.
The
authors mention that Darwin’s cousin Francis Galton initiated eugenics thinking,
but they leave out two crucial points. First, Darwin liked his cousin’s book on
this. Second, when Galton argued that nature does not care for individuals, but
only uses them to make superior races, Darwin only slightly disagreed. He
pointed out that there are many extinct species which shows that nature may not
care much for species either. But Darwin added that maybe the right way to
express all this was that “Nature cares only for the superior individuals and
then makes her new and better races” (he framed this in a rhetorical question).
Darwin never thought about what it would be like to carry this to a logical
conclusion, but we cannot say that Darwin did not supply plenty of grist for
the Social Darwinist mill.
The
authors present Darwin as a champion for what they call “the final
secularization of the living world.” Long ago, Darwin was made into a great
hero in the fight between science and religion (ironically, he never approved
of this bogus combat and was always happy to see anyone reconcile religion and
science), but when anyone is made into a hero, it means other people or their
accomplishments have to be erased from history in order that the hero can shine
more. It is that falsification of history to which I object.
The
key point is this: When people are erased from history, it is usually the
humanitarians. Chambers and other evolutionists were more holistic than Darwin
who saw nature as a hierarchy of groups subordinate to groups. For Chambers and
others, it is the whole that evolves and all the parts, including humanity,
need each other in this scheme. Chambers was a more humane evolutionist than
Darwin. We have lost a lot by forgetting this part of history.
©
2015 Leon Zitzer
zitzerleon@gmail.com
Tuesday, October 27, 2015
RACIST THINKING FRONT AND CENTER
My
email pal Sean once told me that historical Jesus studies needs a good kick in
the arse. How true. The same can be said of Darwin studies and even the history
of science, especially as it relates to evolution. When will we wake up and be
truthful about what the evidence tells us?
Every
time I come across a book or article on scientific racism in the 19th
century, they always do the same thing. They make it seem like it was an
aberration that was endorsed only by lesser figures. Charles Darwin is never
mentioned or at best a glancing comment on his racism is offered. Same goes for
Thomas Huxley. We have enforced this forgetfulness that scientific racism was a
mainstream position. The top-notch scientists of the day promoted it. And every
one of them would have sworn that their “racism” was objective and based
soundly on the evidence.
How
did the best scientists of the day go so wrong? How could they have so deceived
themselves? These questions never get asked because we live in denial that it
ever happened.
At
the end of the American Civil War, Thomas Huxley gave a brief lecture entitled
“Emancipation—Black and White” (the white part referred to women). He was glad
that slavery was finally at an end in the west, but he emphasized that half the
arguments brought in favor of abolition were wrong. In particular, the argument
of equality between the races was dead wrong, as far as he was concerned: “no
rational man, cognisant of the facts, believes that the average negro is the
equal, still less the superior, of the average white man … The highest places
in the hierarchy of civilisation will assuredly not be within the reach of our
dusky cousins …”
Scientific
racism went deep. It was not just a slight mistake. And science was not self-correcting
about this. No profession is self-correcting. It is only when plenty of
criticism from the outside makes inroads that science makes corrections.
We
not only have ignored mainstream science’s devotion to racist ideas, but we
have failed to take note of many of the anti-racists who were trying vainly to
make a course correction. In 1864, just one year before Huxley’s lecture, Alfred
Wallace made some interesting remarks on the subject. They were offered in a
discussion following someone else’s paper delivered at a meeting of the London
Anthropological Society. Unfortunately, we don’t have a record of Wallace in
his own words, but rather a summary made by a third party. If we can trust the
summary, Wallace made the following points:
He
began by agreeing that the Negro is intellectually inferior to Europeans. “The
only question to be determined,” he said, “was, how far that inferiority
extends.” He then went on to challenge any ideas of inferiority by arguing, in
effect, that these opinions are not based on any evidence. We have only seen
Negroes in the most unfavorable conditions. How can one draw any fair
conclusions from that? “We had never seen the negro under favourable
circumstances. We had always seen him either as a slave or perfectly free
without any stimulus to exertion … We had not yet seen the negro under the
circumstances that would show him to the greatest advantage.” Wallace also made
the point that if Negroes seemed to avoid work unless pressed by necessity, the
same was true of all mankind (i.e., including white people), so that was no
argument for inferiority.
A
year before Huxley firmly stated his racist leanings, Wallace was already
rebuking such thinking. We forget that, along with the fact that mainstream
science ignored him and other anti-racists. Racism, in other words, went so
deep that it forced the best scientists of the day to distort their view of the
evidence and they would not pay attention even when their errors were pointed
out. We ought to pay that more heed than we have—if only because it means that
the dangers of mainstream science making mistakes is still with us.
©
2015 Leon Zitzer
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